by admin | Aug 31, 2007 | Newspaper Report
After a few months, the Forest Department has resumed its war against banana in Modhpur) by Philip Gain, The Daily Star
Part of the Modhupur National Park. This is the forest many would like to see throughout Modhupur and Banana garden on the forestland after felling. Photo: Philip Gain
The war against “illegal” banana plantation in the Modhupur sal forest has been resumed from August 1, 2007. Throughout August, the Forest Department (FD), with support of the security personnel, has engaged hundreds of non-local labourers everyday in chopping down the banana gardens and planting acacia.
The Forest Department (FD) carried out the first round of its war against banana on 13, 14, 15 and 22 February, and 7 March. After 7 March, the government gave time to the banana cultivators and advised them to voluntarily stop banana plantation on the forestland after the harvest of their standing crops.
In a meeting on 9 March, the forest and environment adviser Dr. C.S. Karim, formed a 12-member committee (two chairmen of two union councils in forest area were later co-opted to the committee) including the Garos and sought suggestions from the committee as regards eco-park, protection of sal forest, land use practices, etc.
On the day of the first meeting of the committee, on 18 March, the alleged killing of Chalesh Ritchil took place. Four meetings of the committee took place ever since. However, none of the members from among the Garos and NGOs got minutes or report of any meeting.
A high official in the Forest Department (FD) said on 17 August, “Illegal banana gardens are being cut again and plantation is being carried out on land where illegal banana gardens were cut months ago. Such land amounts to 3,600 acres. Our target of chopping banana plantation this year will be fulfilled by the end of August.”
“In our current raid against banana plantation the main targets are the Bengalis who have engaged the Garos in illegal cultivation on the forestland. We will not spare any marauder on the forestland,” warned the FD official. “We want the Adivasis to participate in forestry programmes and stay protected. A Garo household participating in the forestry will get one ha of land and share benefits from plantation. We are yet to work out the details of the participation mechanism. We will consider the suggestions from the committee and experts in this regard.”
In the war against banana, the Garos find themselves in an inept condition. In the recent years, they have been indeed got heavily engaged in banana plantation that brings them quick and handsome cash. However, the top players behind the banana cultivation are the Bengali traders who brought the idea of banana cultivation on a massive scale. They also provided cash. The Garos in most of the forest villages in Modhupur even replaced their age-old gardens of pineapple, jackfruits, lemon, etc. with banana. Now they find that hope for big and quick cash banana further complicates their land questions.
With typical vegetation disappearing with the invasion of banana, the Garos are in real difficult situation in establishing their traditional rights over the high land. They normally have title deeds for the low land (baid) but in most cases, they do not have title deeds for the highland they have been occupying from time immemorial. These highlands with native vegetation were gradually declared as protected or reserved at different times after the abolition of the Zamindari system.
The Garo representatives on the committee to resolve the problem in the Modhupur sal forest say they were surprised when the raid against banana resumed on 1 August. As the days passed by the intensity of raid increased and the number of hired labourers raised.
To give an idea how the daily raid against banana takes place let us see the picture of one day. On 17 August, approximately 500 labourers, with dao (homemade chopper) and spade in hands swooped on banana gardens in Atashbari-Nayanpur area. The security personnel were present on the spot. Present on the spot were also officials of the Forest Department and administration. Few hundred Garos, most of them women, assembled and helplessly appealed to the government officials to spare the banana gardens. Their appeal was ignored and the banana plants in the area were felled.
On the same day, a similar group of hired laborers was reportedly engaged in another part of the forest to clear banana gardens. The top cats behind the banana plantation, the Bengali traders who make heavy investment in banana, remained largely unseen.
The government officials were telling the Garos that they were recovering forestland and planting trees with the consent of their leaders on the committee. However, one Garo leader on the committee refuted the claim. “The FD has not followed our decisions about planting trees in place of banana gardens,” said the leader. He complained that he has not received any reports of any of the meetings although he has asked for it repeatedly. “We agreed to plant trees ourselves; not the way it is being done now”. He also complained that no village demarcation or survey was conducted.
A high official in the FD says it is because of dearth of saplings of local species that acacia is being planted. He claims some local species have also been planted. “From next year we will plant more local species,” says the FD official.
Bringing back the forest: A tough task
Ideally, the forest of native species, especially sal, must be established after the termination of banana plants. Why? Because the exotic species — acacia and eucalyptus (planting of this alien was stopped after the first rotation) — in particular planted under “social forestry” in Modhupur have proven to be politically and ecologically mistaken. The “social forestry” itself has been blamed to be a sugarcoat for plantation.
The Garos who are seemingly innocent victims of commercial banana plantation, now find that after chopping down of banana plants acacia is being planted. The environmentalists are also very unhappy. Although some FD officials would call acacia a “soldier tree” meaning it can survive tough climate condition, this alien is perhaps good for fuelwood but cannot be a replacement for the native sal or other local species. The ADB and World Bank that funded massive-scale plantation of this alien species have withdrawn from the forestry sector altogether leaving the Forest Department and other stakeholders on a hotspot, very difficult to manage.
Therefore, while the government officials keep telling the Garos that they are out there to protect them and bring back the native vegetation, the first people of the forest who have the knowledge of traditional forest management see no direction and become even more worried.
The participation of the Garos in afforestation proposed by the FD is also not welcome by the Garos. They have the bitter experience of woodlot and agroforestry that have rapidly eaten up the native forests. Almost the same model the FD talks about brings no better option for them.
Invasion by banana
Many see the massive-scale banana plantation on the forestland as a multiplier effect of manmade “forests” among other things. The idea of this so-called manmade forest sugarcoated as “social forestry” came along the loans from the concessional window of the Asian Development Bank. In Modhupur monoculture plantation of primarily exotic acacia and eucalypts took place under two ADB funded projects — Thana Afforestation and Nursery Development Project (TANDP) and Forestry Sector Project (FSP). TANDP with two major components — woodlot and agroforestry — started in 1989 and ended in 1995. When monoculture started with the ADB loan, the local people were appalled to see that the native sal coppices were indiscriminately cut to prepare grounds for the manmade forests.
Ten years later people found most of the plantation stolen or officially harvested. The land became vacant, perfect ground for invasion by banana and papaya plantation. Pineapple was already there. Outsiders invaded the forestland for large-scale banana and papaya plantation. They lured the Garos even to convert their home gardens into banana gardens. This process started largely due to ADB’s investment strategies in the forestry sector, it is generally believed.
After the first rotation of plantation, the government awaited another loan from ADB for the Fores
try Sector Project (FSP). The project that was supposed to start in 1997 was much delayed. In the meantime, ADB made Bangladesh Government to amend the Forest Act of 1927 in favor “social forestry” that is essentially plantation. The delay caused the forestland to remain vacant for a longer period. The banana, papaya and pineapple cultivators took control of the forestland and spoiled it thoroughly in a short period. The allegation that the corrupt FD officials turned out to be accomplices for extra cash is not unfounded.
For the last few years, the Modhpur Salbon (sal forest) has gained an infamous image as Modhupur Kalabon (banana forest). According to a top FD source, the sal patches in the Modhupur survive only on 6,000 acres today (2007). According to the DFO of Tangail [in 2004] who is now hiding with corruption charges, out of 46,000 acres in Tangail part of the Modhupur sal forests 25,000 acres had gone into illegal possession and the FD controlled only 9,000 acres by 2004.
How come such massive-scale grabbing of the forestland occurred? Why did the FD [that now takes advantage of the state of emergency in recovering the forestland] stay passive? These questions need to be seriously addressed in understanding what have gone wrong in Modhupur.
The FD has apparently targeted 3,600 acres of forestland for recovery and plantation this year. What about the bigger chunks of the forestland illegally grabbed? There are many evidences how the forestland given out for plantation has been abused by the banana and papaya cultivators. There are indeed many papaya gardens illegally established on the forestland. In the war against banana, papaya plantations also illegally established on the forestland, remain unattended for now.
However, a top FD official says that they will deal with the illegal papaya plantation at a later stage.
What really need to be done?
A look over the protected parts of the Modhupur National Park from the two towers recently built in Dokholoa and Lohoria gives us a ray of hope. The monsoon greenery of the native vegetation is absolute. This is what we want gradually expanded in other parts within the forest boundaries. For that, here are some suggestions to ponder.
Thorough inventories:
Inventories as regards exactly how much of the Modhupur sal forest is left today and how much of the forestland has been illegally occupied can provide handles for right direction in saving native patches and expanding them. It is not just the banana, an inventory of papaya and pineapple gardens need to be done. A complete list of the marauders on the forestland should be made public, Then the crusade against them will become transparent and effective with public support. Different stakeholders, environmentalists, and experts should participate in inventory exercise without fear.
Caution about choice of exotic species: One harsh reality about forests is that man can plant trees, but cannot create a native forest. In the Modhupur sal forest area, native vegetation had been cleared for planting exotic ones such as rubber, acacia and eucalyptus. External resources played an important role in it. While eucalyptus plantation was stopped after the first rotation of plantation, acacia continued in the second rotation that started around 2002. The invasive acacia remains to be a dominant species in plantation to date. For the sake of creating some forests, which is difficult indeed, local species — sal and others — must be preferred. In plantation efforts, seeds of local species must be fully utilised from the next season. The forest professionals including those in the Forest Department say, ‘complex’ or mixed plantation must be preferred to ‘simple’ or monoculture plantation.
Protection of Adivasis:
The Garos and the Koch are the original inhabitants of the Modhupur forest. Their traditional rights over highland need to be recognised. What the authority says overtly about their protection and that of the forest, must be materialised concretely. The Adivasi communities cannot survive without state protection. If they are protected, the forests are better managed.
by admin | Jun 5, 2007 | Newspaper Report
Philip Gain writes about the Forest Department’s ruinous campaign against the Garo banana plantations in Modhupur
As we entered the Garo village of Sainamari in the early morning of February 21, it was glistening with golden sunlight. But we were shocked to see that all the banana plants on both sides of the mud road through the village were cut and left lying there. As we approached the people of the village we saw that they were frightened of us, the strangers.
When we wanted to know what happened to the banana gardens of this huge village with some 400 Garo families, one of them, John Marak (55), led us to his house that stands in the eastern corner of his banana garden. Johh Marak is a retired BDR nayek (para-military personnel).
It is an unbelievable scene. He has six acres of banana gardens around his homestead. All his banana plants, except for some with bunches of mature banana, have just been chopped down. The Forest Department (FD) engaged scores of labourers to chop down his banana plants on February 15. He once had a pineapple garden and some 200 jackfruit trees on this land that he converted to a banana garden in the hope of a quick cash return. Some years ago, he cut all his jackfruits trees and sold them for cash to invest in the banana garden. He also invested Tk 290,000 ($4,000), that he got upon retirement, in banana gardening and constructing a large house. He watched helplessly from a distance as the FD cut down the banana trees. Given that the country is in a state of emergency and that the FD was assisted by the authorities, nobody could think of attempting any resistance.
Like John Marak, the entire village watched with great despair while their banana gardens were destroyed. “I received no notice before they cut my banana trees. No one discussed the matter with me.
They just suddenly came and cut them,” said Marak.
Two sisters from another Garo family in Sainamari, Beauty Nokorek (28) and Shagorika Nokorek (25), own 15 acres of land. They grow bananas on 12 acres to the west and east of their house. On February 15, in a matter of moments, hired workers from the Forest Department chopped down their entire banana crop. “We did not get a chance to say a word. Everything was destroyed before we could speak. They only left a few plants that had mature bananas on them,” said helpless Beauty Nokorek. These hard-working sisters cultivated this crop. Now that it has been destroyed, they will suffer a financial loss of some Tk 700,000 ($10,000). Like Shagorika and Beauty, another Garo woman, Nironi Simsang (40), cried in her three acre banana garden. Nironi’s two mud houses lie empty near her destroyed banana garden. She used to have 3,500 banana trees in this plot of hers, and from those she would earn around Tk 300,000 ($4,300).
The same scene plagues all of Sainamari, a century-old forest village of the Garos, one of the small ethnic communities of Bangladesh. All the banana plants were indiscriminately cut. In the hope of earning a quick profit, most of the Garo families of this village had cleared their gardens of pineapple, mango, jackfruit and lemon trees, and replaced them with banana.
With all the banana trees cut down, Sainamari village is no longer recognizable as a Garo habitation. Some years ago when I first came to this village I was enchanted by it. Every house was covered in greenery. There were many varieties of trees, vegetables, and pineapple and lemon gardens everywhere. This was the characteristic of the forest villages of the Garos, the first in the Modhupur sal forest. It is because of the invasion of banana that most villages like Sainamari have lost their characteristics.
On February 13, 14 and 15 (2007), the FD carried out the first round of its banana eviction raid. FD officers said that on these three days the FD chopped down banana plants on some 1,500 acres in and around Sainamari, Pegamari, Thanarbaid, Atashbari, Bhutia and Chunia — all of which are Garo villages. The Garos here were terrified. They have been living here for generations, and now they feel seriously threatened. The FD alleges that the banana gardens they cut down were all on FD land and were, therefore, illegal. They allege that politically powerful and locally influential Bengalis are the main players in, and beneficiaries of, banana cultivation. According to FD sources, these people used the Garos to facilitate wholesale banana cultivation. The FD said that they were unable to take action against illegal cultivators because of these powerful actors and interest groups. The state of emergency gave them the opportunity to stop banana cultivation and recover forestland.
The first target in the banana garden eviction program was Dhokhola Beat of Dhokhola Range. The villages mentioned above fall within this beat. The Dhokhola Range officer declared that the eviction action began with the big plots of a few Bengalis.
As we traveled around Sainamari and spoke to many Garos, it turned out that although some names of Bengalis surfaced, it is the Garo families that are facing the brunt of the eviction drive. The Modhupur sal forest was once the territory of the king of Natore, and the forest-dwelling Garo and Koch of Modhupur have resided in this forest for hundreds of years. They do have legal documents of ownership of the lowland (baid), but they do not have titles for most of the high land (chala) on which they have their homesteads and gardens. Marak, Shagorika, Beauty, Nironi — all these Garo individuals said they had no documents for their homes or gardens — these are all khas or government lands. According to the government gazette of recent times, all this land falls within a reserved forest.
This makes the Garos afraid.
Most of those in Sainamari we spoke to said that their forefathers had lived in this village for the past 200 years. Because of this, they have an ancestral right to this land. This is the norm for forest-dwelling communities. They believe that under the pretext of evicting banana cultivators, the FD aims to take away their traditional rights to this land.
The Garos of Sainamari allege that the Forest Department targeted the Garo villages first, instead of going after the outsiders who established massive banana plantations by cutting large portions of forest. This is a major injustice to them.
When the FD began destroying the banana gardens, some people stepped forward and asked for more time so that they could harvest banana that would mature in a few days or weeks. The FD said that these gardens were illegally established and now the forest land would be brought under social forestry programs.
The Forest Department tried to appease the Garo people by saying that they would be the participants in the social forestry programs that would take place and that they would be the beneficiaries of social forestry.
This does not satisfy the Garos. “The Forest Department wants to include us in social forestry programs. But we want our traditional rights to land recognized,” says Garo leader Ajoy Mree.
The Garo people have many fears about social forestry programs. In Modhupur, “social forestry” began in 1989-90 through Asia Development Bank (ADB) funded Thana Afforestation and Nursery Development Project (TANDP). What people saw under the so-called “social forestry” — woodlot for production of fuel-wood and agro-forestry — were actually artificial forests or monoculture plantation.
When social forestry began, it came under criticism from Garos and environmentalists. People in Modhupur witnessed that the native forests were indiscriminately cut to establish plantation, sugarcoated as “social forestry.” After the first rotation of plantation was harvested or pillaged by forest thieves, the second rotation occurred under the Asia Development Bank’s Forestry Sector Project (FSP).
The destruction of hundreds of native species, the invasion of exotic species (acacia and eucalyptus), land remaining clear of plant species between rotations, etc., provided perfect ground to banana cultivators and land grabbers.
To the Garos, environmentalists, and residents of the area, plantations sugarcoated as social forestry brings no solution. That is why, when the FD speaks of social forestry, the Garos are not appeased. Another great fear is that if social forestry occurs they will lose their ancestral rights to their land. If this occurs, their traditional way of life will also be ruined.
After the first round of chopping, the Forest Department cut 650 acres of banana gardens on February 22. On this day, the targets were also Garo villages — Jangalia, Getchua, Beribaid and Magontinagar. The order apparently came from a high-up of the government. Traumatized, the Garos appealed to the government authorities. In response, an order came from the government to stop chopping banana plants. The secretary of the Ministry of Environment and Forests visited Modhupur, had a meeting with the Garos and then gave them his word that no more banana trees would be cut. However, according to sources from the Garo community, the secretary cautioned that further expansion of banana plantations would not be allowed on forestland, and that after the mature bananas were harvested further banana cultivation would not be allowed.
The Forest Department sources said that in its raid against banana cultivation on forestland, equally harmful banana gardens in social forestry plots were not targeted. Papaya gardens, also on large areas of forestland, were not targeted. These are controlled by the outsiders, the real marauders on the forestland. Many, thus, raise the question why the FD targeted the Garo villages and not the large banana and papaya plots illegally established on the forestland.
There are many questions regarding the quality of social forestry. Even some FD officials express their concern over the selection of species to be planted under social forestry. They admit that they do not want exotic species such as acacia and eucalyptus, and want to bring back the native species lost because of plantation. However, they also claim that banana cultivation has ruined the soil to such a great extent in a short period of time that they see no other better alternative but to plant rapidly growing tree species such as acacia.
There are also allegations that in its raid against illegal banana cultivation the Forest Department has cut banana plants in some recorded lands of the Garos. From the beginning of the raid against banana, the Garos have been appealing to the government requesting for time to harvest the crop.
After the latest raid, on March 7, the government has given them time. But the locals are obliged to voluntarily stop banana cultivation on the forestland after harvesting. In a meeting at Dokhola Range on March 9, forest and environment adviser to the caretaker government, Dr. C.S. Karim, formed a 12-member committee including the Garos, and sought suggestions from the committee as regards eco-park, protection of sal forest, land use practices, etc. He visited some Garo villages and assured them that no arbitrary action would be taken against them.
Philip Gain is a director of a non-profit environmental and human rights organization.
by admin | Feb 10, 2006 | Newspaper Report
Adivasis in the capital by Philip Gain, published in the 15th Anniversary Special of The Daily Star, February 10, 2006.
Dashami Mree (20), a Mandi (Garo) girl from Modhupur, has chosen to become a professional beautician. Currently she works at Shahi’s Beauty Parlour at Salimullah Road in Mohammadpur area. A Mandi family from Chunia, a Mandi village in the Modhupur forests, owns the beauty parlour that it bought from a Bengalee owner more than five years back. The parlour is small but nicely decorated with big glasses and a row of front-line Bombay film actresses above the head. Dashami and half a dozen Mandi girls just fit in there. Dashami, compelled to leave her village due to her parents’ inability to meet her school expenses, finds her job as a beautician quite comfortable.
Dashami and three other Mandi girls working at the same parlour, live with the Mandi family that owns it. They live close to the parlour. They buy groceries themselves, cook meals for the whole family, eat together and socialise with the nearby Mandi families on a regular basis. This makes their social life vibrant and full of fun.
The beauty parlour was Dashami’s entry gate to Dhaka in 2003. She trained herself for six months [with the help of World Vision, a Christian NGO] in cutting hair, facial massage, plucking eyebrows, and all other parlour works. After training for six months she ventured into a few other parlours in Bogra and Sylhet before she came back to Shahi’s in the middle of 2005. With accommodation and food free, she gets a cash of Tk.500 (five hundred) per month. She was offered Tk.2,000 plus free accommodation and food in another parlour in Mirpur. But she chose to stick to a Mandi family although the cash she gets is small. This makes her stay in Dhaka secure and comfortable for now. She hopes to learn a few other things at Shahi’s and then look for better pay here or elsewhere.
Dashami is one of around 1,200 Mandi girls who work at some 400 beauty parlours in Dhaka city. An owner of a beauty parlour aims at employing maximum number of Mandi girls. The biggest of all the beauty parlours in Dhaka is Persona employing a few hundred Mandi girls in its two parlours.
The Mandi girls come from scores of Mandi villages of different districts in the north-central plains of Bangladesh. There is hardly any girl from any other Adivasi community such as the Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Hajong among others to be found in any beauty parlour. To the Mandi girls, who enjoy equal status with men in their matrilineal society, work in a beauty parlour is quite acceptable. According to Ranjit Ruga who runs Shahi’s, a skilled Mandi girl earns up to Tk.20,000 (twenty thousand) a month.
The Mandi girls work in beauty parlours on their choice and without any sense of moral degeneration. Some of them have married Bengalee owners at work place and are doing fine in their business. They are really straight in their business. They travel in the capital city with an air of freedom that most other women don’t enjoy. Not that they have no fear, but they look into your eyes without hesitation. They treat men as their equals. Mandi girls working in the beauty parlours or elsewhere in the city do not go unnoticed. Despite their distress back in the villages that bring them to cities to become beauticians, they are confident and enterprising.
As I was visiting Shahi’s to see Dashami’s work environment, I met with Kashuri Chisim, aged 38. She was paying a casual visit to the beauty parlour. It is typical of the Mandis in villages, in Dhaka city or elsewhere that they socialise with each other frequently and without notice, a trait of their kinship. Kashuri is a housemaid working in different houses of foreigners who come to Dhaka to work in foreign missions or international NGOs. As I exchanged a few words with her at Shahi’s, I got interested in visiting her home; she was actually heading for it. I was joined by Ranjit Ruga and his wife Tuliowners of Shahi’s Beauty Parlour.
We walked to Kashuri’s house. Kashuri has husband and three daughters. The elderly two daughters go to Holy Cross School–one in class eight and the other in class three. Kashuri’s husband Suman Marak (50) was sitting in the drawing room of their two-room quarter. The drawing room was filled with smoke from his cigarette. The smoke that I did not like eventually subsided. We had our warm conversation. The family of Kashuri and Suman, who come from Askipara in Haluaghat, have been living in Dhaka for 15 years now. During this period Kashuri spent two years in Saudi Arabia with her employer who took her there from Dhaka. Now Kashuri works in four houses and all her employers are foreigners. She works part-time in all these houses–two to three hours in maximum two houses a day, which means she works four to five hours a day. She earns around Tk.10,000 a month. Her husband, also working in houses, earns about that much. This family likes work like that. Then they have plenty of time to take care of their children. They can drop and pick up their daughters from school themselves.
“In the houses of the foreigners, it is primarily the Mandis who work as housemaids. The foreigners trust them very much. You will hardly see Bengalee women in the houses of the foreigners,” says Kashuri. While women work as housemaids in the houses of the foreigners, many Mandi men work as guards in the houses, diplomatic missions and offices. There are also a big number of Mandi men and women working in the houses of Bengalees. In Dhaka, many people would prefer a Mandi housemaid to others. They are trusted and reliable.
There are, of course, girls and women from other ethnic communities such as the Santal and Oraon who work in houses. But one will hardly find a Chakma, Tripura, Monipuri or Khasi who would be interested in household work.
The presence of the Mandis in Dhaka is unique. Thanks largely to Christianity, back in the villages, the literacy rate among them would be as high as 90%. Universal literacy among them certainly makes it easier for them to step out of the villages in search of fortune in Dhaka and other nearby cities. However, dispossession of local resources, deprivation and unemployment are some of the obvious underlying factors for their migration to cities.
Not only for work, the Mandi youths have a strong urge to come to Dhaka for higher education. “I prefer Dhaka to Mymensingh or Modhupur for my higher education. I understand what life is like in Dhaka city. In Dhaka I have greater chance to learn many things,” says Tutul Mree, a Mandi girl from Modhupur who is studying BA at Eden College. According to Tutul, there are some 50 Adivasi girls at Eden College and half of them are Mandis.
It is not just the Mandis, the other major ethnic communities of Bangladesh such as the Chakma, Marma, Tripura, Monipuri, Khasi, Santal, and Oraon also look towards Dhaka for higher education and exposure to the outside world.
Mandis in Dhaka are also seen in other areas such as hospitals, physiotherapy centres , garments, driving, Dhaka Export Processing Zone (DEPZ), NGOs, church enterprises, and mechanical workshops. One striking thing about the Mandis and members of other major ethnic communities in Dhaka is that they are hardly seen as rickshaw-pullers, salesman at shops, kulis or vendors in a market place, and in other similar jobs. One special feature about the Mandis and Adivasis in Dhaka is that they neither belong to the upper income class, nor the very low level. They stay in the middle and always opt for a decent life, though not economically very prosperous.
The largest number of individuals from an Adivasi community in the capital city is obviously the Mandis. There exists no reliable data. But what can be figured from different estimates is that their number in Dhaka city and its outskirts would vary between 10,000 to 12,000. While the Mandis are seen everywhere in Dhaka city, their main concentration is in Kalachanpur with about fifty percent of them living there.
The second largest ethnic community in Dhaka city and its outskirts must be the Chakmas with distinct characteristics. Like the Mandis there is also no reliable data on the number of the Chakmas and members of other ethnic communities from the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). Different sources mention different figures. What is made out from these numbers is that the Chakmas in Dhaka city, DEPZ in Savar and Kanchpur would range between five and six thousand. According to a source, the number of Marmas would be some 500 and the Tripuras 200. The numbers of Tanchangya, Lushai, Pangkhua and other smaller ethnic communities are very small.
The job market and professions of the Chakmas in the capital and its industrial zones are strikingly different from those of the Mandis and other ethnic communities. In contrast to the Mandis, a big percentage of them are industrial workers with main concentration in DEPZ area in Savar. According to Dilip Chakma (24), a worker at DEPZ, in Savar alone, there are some 3,500 Chakmas, most of them industrial workers and more than half of them are women. Very few are in the higher ranks. In the export processing zone, the Chakmas live together in different houses and locations.
The Chakmas began to come to DEPZ area in the late nineties. One unique feature of the Chakma industrial workers is that most of them are educated. Dilip Chakma has Higher Secondary School Certificate from Khagrachhari. He laments his position just as a helper in a cap manufacturing company. He worked for two years at a garments factory in Kanchpur, an industrial area on the outskirts of the city. In Kanchpur, there are some 500 Chakmas, says Dilip. Dilip and workers of his rank earn from Tk.3,000 to Tk.4,000. Dilip and others have resentment about the conversion of their pay from Dollar to Taka. They complain of getting less when their salary is handed down to them in Taka.
What led to such influx of the Chakmas to the industrial areas in Dhaka? Back in the CHT, particularly in Khagrachhari and Rangamati Hill Districts, there are many educated youths without employment opportunities. Besides, political tension, conflicts among themselves, shrinking access of hill peoples to local resources due to Bengalee in-migration in the hill areas, etc. drive the Chakmas and others out of their homes.
The new entrants to the industrial areas follow the trail of relatives and friends. The tendencies of the Chakmas and others who come from the CHT are different from those of the Mandis in choosing jobs. One will hardly find any Chakma working in a non-Chakma house or a beauty parlour. The values of matrilineality of the Mandis and those of patrilineality of the Chakmas and others are vivid in selection of jobs and professions in the cities. The kind of freedom that the Mandi girls enjoy is absent in other communities.
However, the Chakmas are dominant in professions requiring higher education. Civil service, banking, life insurance, teaching, law, medical services, and NGOs (local and international) are the major areas where Chakmas are seen in greater numbers than the members of other ethnic communities. Like the Mandis, the Chakmas are not strongly represented in businesses. It is a common feature among almost all ethnic communities that they give up in competition with their Bengalee counterparts. “The Chakmas are very unsuccessful in businesses. They take business initiatives, but do not continue,” says Dipayan Khisha, editor of Maorum, a publication on the CHT issues.
The urge for higher education among the Chakmas is outstanding, which is reflected in their presence in Dhaka University and other educational institutions. This is perhaps the secret of their success in professions that require academic qualification.
The political life of the Chakmas in the capital city is, indeed, very significant. Given the political history of the CHT and a strong military presence, democratic practices such as organisation of assembly, meetings, protests, and processions are a lot easier to follow in Dhaka than the CHT. Dhaka is also a safe sanctuary for many political activists who find it difficult to move freely in the CHT. There are many factors contributing to this situation. In addition to the tension that originates from non-implementation of major aspects of the peace accord and Bengalee settlements, conflicts between the Parbattya Chattagram Jana Sanghati Samiti (PCJSS) and United Peoples’ Democratic Front (UPDF) that often turn violent force many political activists from both parties to spend their time in relative peace in Dhaka. No one is at least physically attacked here. Dipayan Khisha puts the feeling of insecurity in the right tone: “I feel comparatively secure and better-placed in Dhaka than in my home in Bandarban. I feel no one will attack me here and I am a free man in Dhaka.”
The Chakmas also make headlines in politics at the national level. Prominent among those who currently make these headlines include Mr. Jyotirindra Bodhipryia Larma (Shantu Larma), the chairman of interim Regional Council; Mr. Mani Swapan Dewan, MP, deputy minister, Ministry of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Affairs; Raja Devasish Roy (Chief of the Chakma Circle), Mr. Bir Bahadur MP; and Proshit Bikash Khisha (President of UPDF).
Adivasis, other than the Mandis, Chakmas and those from the CHT, who frequent Dhaka for education and job opportunities include the Santals, Oraons, Malos, etc. of the North Bengal; the Monipuris and Khasis of greater Sylhet district and Rakhaings from the coastal districts of Cox’s Bazar, Patuakhali and Barguna.
Like others, no statistics about the numbers of the Adivasis from North Bengal in Dhaka are available. Different sources suggest there are some 1,000 Adivasis from North Bengal in the capital. Of them the Santals are the largest amounting to 600 followed by Oraons (300) and others (100). A significant number of the Adivasis from North Bengal work in technical workshops. Some work in offices, some are students and like Mandis, some of the Santal and Oraon girls work in houses.
Mr. Paul Charwa Tigga, a highly educated Oraon and a resident of Dhaka, runs Dipshika, a development NGO that works mainly in the North Bengal. Mr. Tigga, a long-time observer of the condition of the Adivasis, says, “There is a strong tendency among the Adivasis of North Bengal to come to Dhaka because of unemployment in villages. But in Dhaka their residential problems are massive. Most of them live in messes. They are also not well connected with each other although the Santals are better linked among themselves.” According to Mr. Tigga, there are some six Adivasi families from North Bengal established in Dhaka.
Combined, the Monipuris and Khasis would not exceed 200 in Dhaka. Members of these two ethnic communities stop by Dhaka mainly for education and business. According to Pidison Pradhan Suchiang, a Khasi leader, there are only two Khasi families in Dhaka. “Khasis are better-placed in their punjis (villages). They are strongly attached to their punjis and the trade of betel leaf. Their deep connection with the land hold them back in their villages,” says Suchiang.
According to a Monipur source, there are more than one hundred Monupuris including a High Court judge, two lawyers and few businessmen in Dhaka. However, what is now Monipuripara in Dhaka was basically Monipuri village till 1950. The nearby areas were also inhabited by Monipuris. Land acquisition for an agricultural farm gradually led to their exodus from Monipuripara.
The story of the Rakhaings is similar to that of other ethnic communities. According to Ushit Maung, Chairman of Rakhaing Development Foundation (RDF), there are some 100 Rakhaing families living in Dhaka. There are some 60 Rakhaing students. “Ten to 15 Rakhaing girls work in beauty parlours without much social pressure,” says Maung
It is logical that like the Bengalees, people of all other ethnic identities take interest in Dhaka city and seek opportunities here. This tendency comes along urbanisation and in-migration of people from rural areas to the city centres. For survival it is not bad. But the recent tendencies of migration of the Chakmas to the industrial areas and choice of jobs as industrial workers in great numbers and the kinds of jobs that are chosen by members of other ethnic communities raise concerns.
“It needs to be examined why the Adivasis migrate to Dhaka and other cities to become industrial workers, beauticians, housemaids, guards, etc. Many come because they are in trouble back home due to worsening economic condition and dispossession of resources,” says Raja Devasish Roy. Concerned about their work and living condition, the Chakma chief says, “Healthy working and living conditions are imperative for practice of religions, community building and protection of culture.”
Raja Devasish Roy is also concerned about what the Adivasis take back home from the cities. The kinds of jobs they generally get do not fetch them enough money to settle down in Dhaka. Many come to Dhaka to spend a few years and go back home with some cash. “They can take back good things and bad things with them,” says Roy. “To prevent intrusion of bad things into our society, we need to provide them job opportunities back home.”
Despite fear and trepidation, the capital city is significant for all citizens of Bangladesh, irrespective of ethnic identities. Like others it is a common ground for all Adivasi groups to raise their voices for rights and show their cultural riches. This is reflected in the observance of the International Day of the World’s Indigenous Peoples, cultural festivals, Adivasi gatherings organised by different groups, and many other events. In all these events we see beautiful faces and minds and can feel the significance of our ethnic and cultural diversity in which we all can take pride.
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The author is Director of Society for Environment and Human Development (SEHD).
