by admin | Sep 30, 2025 | EU-Project Forests Reports
The pressing issues and core concerns for the indigenous peoples and other forest-dependent peoples living in the forest regions of the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT) and the north-central districts of Tangail, Gazipur, and Mymensingh are centered around forests and land.The Society for Environment and Human Development (SEHD) has been working for more than three decades for the protection of forest and forest-dependent peoples. Cashing in on the valuable knowledge resources and experience on the issues concerning forest and forest people, SEHD has initiated a 42-month project from February 1, 2025 to study the current state of the forest, forest commons, condition of the communities living in the forest areas and to develop a roadmap for promotion of customary rights of the indigenous and forest-dependent people.
This project supported by the European Union and MISEREOR was officially kicked off on 20 July 2025 at CIRDAP in Dhaka. The purpose of the kick-off workshop was to share plan for research, investigations, and other activities to be conducted under the project with a broader audience. The event was attended by 140 people—25 from the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT); 30 fr0m Tangail, Mymensingh and Gazipur districts; and the rest from Dhaka. The participants from the CHT represented indigenous communities such as Chakma, Bawm, Khumi, Marma, Mro, Chak, Tripura, community-based organizations, traditional organizations, movements, non-governmental organizations, students and social workers. The participants from the north-centre represented indigenous peoples such as Garo, Koch, Barman and their organization.
The other participants and dignitaries included state functionaries such as the planning adviser of the interim government, two chief conservators of forests (CCFs)—one current and one former, some leading economists of the country, development and human rights actors, students and a large number of journalist (print and electronic).
In welcoming the guests and participants to the kick-off workshop, Prof. Tanzimuddin Khan, member of University Grants Commission (UGC), reflected on the historical perspective of destruction of forest and plights of the people who live in it. “Before British colonial rule, forests covered over 20 percent of the country’s land area; today, the cover is reduced to only 6 percent. Many conservation initiatives during this period drew inspiration from global models, notably the 18th-century establishment of Yosemite and Yellowstone National Parks in the United States, which introduced formal forest demarcation and the displacement of indigenous peoples,” recalled Prof. Khan.
“In a similar fashion, the British administration implemented a state-controlled ‘fortress conservation’ model, evicting ethnic and indigenous communities from their traditional forest lands. Later shifts to “Joint Forest Management” and “Co-Forest Management” incorporated limited local participation. Yet, despite these policy changes, forest governance has largely come at the cost of both biodiversity and the broader natural environment,” continued Prof. Khan.
Mr. Philip Gain, director of SEHD, presented the keynote paper and set the tone of the workshop. In his keynote he highlighted that prior to the British colonial rule, the forest-dwelling peoples of these two geographical areas lived in the forests without any trouble and freely collected necessary materials and food from the forest. However, the process of stripping them of their customary land rights began with enactment of Act Seven in 1865. Subsequently, development projects, introduction of plantation economy, militarization in the CHT, Bengali settlement in the forest, further expansion of reserved forest, and various other factors led to massive destruction of natural forest and rapid shrinking of customary rights over land and forest resources, rendering the lives and livelihoods of the IPs and other forest dependent peoples unprotected.
In recent history, development and plantation projects funded by multilateral development banks (MDBs) such as the Asian Development Bank and World Bank have further aggravated the situation. The 11 indigenous communities in the CHT and the Garo, Koch and Barman communities in the north-central districts of Tangail, Gazipur, and Mymensingh that have been living in the forest areas from time immemorial are badly impacted by severe degradation of forests and shrinking customary rights.
Mr Gain also noted that IPs and others living in the forest areas expected the interim government to play a meaningful role in protecting the forestland, the environment and the forest-dependent people. The task is challenging, but not impossible. “However, we have seen some actions of the Ministry of Environment, Forest and Climate Change as well as the forest department to restore natural forests in Modhupur and Gazipur sal forest areas. They have started to plant some sal saplings and seeds in the hope of bringing back sal forest in place of social forestry,” reported Mr. Gain in his keynote paper. “But there is sign that the interim government is doing anything for recognition of customary rights of the IPs and other people who live on forest land. The government’s move to restore natural forest thus may end up without much impact.”
The chief guest of the workshop, Prof. Wahiduddin Mahmud, an economist and planning adviser to the interim government shared his frustration over the overall state of the forests. He noted that two major problems exist as regards the forests—the first, the forest that should have been there does not exist; second, even the remaining forests are increasingly difficult to protect.
Speaking about the poverty among indigenous communities, Prof. Mahmud said, “A large portion of indigenous people (IPs) live in extreme poverty. But protecting the forests is not solely about safeguarding the livelihoods of IPs—it is more broadly about maintaining ecological balance. Forests are crucial for protection from various forms of disasters—natural and man-made.”
The adviser pointed out that the rights of the hill communities and other forest-dwelling groups are continuously shrinking. He observed that it is no longer viable for people to rely solely on existing forest resources for their livelihoods. The adviser admitted that foreign-funded projects have led to replacement of natural forests with exotic species of trees, causing significant forest degradation. He called upon the forest-dependent communities to rethink their relationship with forests. “Forests can be protected through planned and regulated resource extraction,” said the adviser. “Some say the forest laws need to be amended. I would say—please present us with a draft proposal. We will take action.”
The adviser believes that forest-dependent people themselves are best positioned to develop effective forest conservation strategies. In his remarks as a special guest, Mr. Michal Krejza, Head of Cooperation, Delegation of the European Union to Bangladesh, stressed the importance of civil society’s role in ‘advocating human rights, promoting transparency and accountability, and amplifying voices of the communities that often go unheard’. On support of the EU to SEHD, Mr. Krejza said, “We are delighted to support SEHD for the third time to empower indigenous peoples, other marginalized communities and their organizations.”
“I am very hopeful that the diverse participants from Chittagong Hill Tracts and North-centre will become active policy influencers and agents for change in the near future through this project,” said Mr. Krejza. “The farce in the name of forestry must be stopped at any cost,” said Miss Khushi Kabir, coordinator of Nijera Kori and Bangladesh Coordinator for One Billion Rising. “This government should review the forestry projects and identify the ones beneficial to the IPs and the ones that are simply for commercial purpose.”
She mentioned that data and information that this project will produce is going to be very crucial not only for the policymakers but also for the associates of this project and IPs in general in ensuring their rightful access to forests and traditional livelihoods. She requested SEHD to address two important and specific issues—conflict between Adivasi and Bengali settlers in the CHT and shrinking access of the IP women to forest resources.
Md. Amir Hossain Chowdhury, Chief Conservator of Forests (CCF), Forest Department, identified the excessive dependence of the people of Bangladesh on forests as the primary and foremost cause of deforestation in the country. Another contributing factor, he noted, is the prevailing model of ‘development economics.’
“In this densely populated and geographically small country,” the CCF said, “forestlands have always been the first to be cleared whenever land was needed for any purpose. There is a direct link between the current development paradigm and forest clearance.” He pointed out that natural forests in Bangladesh are often converted into commercial forests to meet the country’s timber demands. These demands include fuelwood, furniture, and raw materials for pulpwood industry.
According to the CCF, the Sundarbans is Bangladesh’s greatest pride. Satellite imagery from the past 20 years indicates that the Sundarbans has not undergone significant deforestation. In contrast, the highest rate of deforestation has occurred in the Chittagong Hill Tracts (CHT). The lack of effective forest management in that region has led to massive forest degradation.
Therefore, he stressed the necessity of a new kind of afforestation—one that balances the current needs of forest-dependent and forest-dwelling communities with the conservation of biodiversity. In parallel, he advocated for production-oriented forestry to meet the daily needs of citizens.
Md. Yunus Ali, a former CCF, stressed the demographic pressure on the limited resources in the CHT and pointed out how demographic structure has changed there over the decades. “Now there are more Bengalis than ethnic population in the CHT and they do not follow traditional agriculture there. This is a major reason for the increasing erosion on the slopes of the hills, particularly in the Unclassed State Forest,” said the former CCF.
He talked about a watershed management initiative in the reserved forests in the CHT to make sure the supply of quality water in the streams. “This initiative went into vain due to the loss of native trees as they were replaced by exotic species. Adivasis especially the women now suffer a lot as they need to go a long way to collect water for their domestic use,” observed Md. Ali.
Another distinguished guest at the event, Mr. Prashanta Tripura, country director of The Hunger Project and former university professor, emphasized the need to think globally, rather than merely locally, when it comes to forest conservation. He argued that forests must be protected not solely for the benefit of indigenous peoples, but for the entirety of humankind. “All living beings on this planet, including every human, depend on forests in one way or another,” he said. “In reality, no one truly lives in the forest in the literal sense. Even those we refer to as forest dwellers distinguish between forested areas and human settlements.”
He further observed that indigenous lifestyles are inherently inclined toward the preservation of nature. In contrast, modern, urban-centric societies are increasingly losing this ecological consciousness. He went on to say, “In Bangladesh, deep-seated inequalities persist and continue to reproduce themselves. Often, Bengalis fail to understand the pain of the hill peoples. Yet even within the hill communities, the Chakmas may overlook the struggles of the Tripuras, and when the Tripuras gain recognition of their rights, they may in turn forget the plight of the Mros or Khumis. We must break free from this cycle.”
Speaking on the issue of climate change, Mr. Prashanta Tripura remarked that while many nations and communities suffer its consequences, no single group bears sole responsibility. Climate change is the cumulative result of human activity across the globe, and therefore, the solution must also emerge from actions taken collectively, and contextually, in every corner of the world.
Dr. Hossain Zillur Rahman, chair and facilitator of the workshop emphasized the need to ensure justice through a multidimensional approach. “We must broaden our perspective. Justice is not unidimensional. I believe it has three distinct dimensions,” he stated.
In what he described as the Triangle of Justice, Dr. Rahman outlined the following three dimensions: (i) Community level—the stakeholders must understand and address the needs and struggles of the Indigenous Peoples (IPs) to ensure their rights. (ii) State level—authorities should critically evaluate state-run forestry projects to determine whether they serve the interests of the IPs. Policymakers must design more justice-integrated, indigenous community-centric forestry projects. and (iii) Citizen level—every individual must take responsibility for the global climate crisis and actively protect forests and the environment—not only for forest-dependent communities, but for all of the humanity.
Community Voice
Joya Tripura, CHT Women Headman Karbari Network
From my experience, I have seen that ever since the afforestation programs had begun in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, both forests and women have suffered. Indigenous women have a deep spiritual connection with the forest. It is they who must go into the forest every day to collect firewood and gather food. Men regard these tasks as the responsibility of women and are reluctant to venture into the forest for such work. When women are forced to travel to distant locations to collect firewood, they often face adversities.
Most indigenous women in the Chittagong Hill Tracts are heavily dependent on land. However, due to land encroachment, their rights have been severely compromised. Opportunities to collect wildly grown vegetables and other edibles from the forest have significantly diminished. Currently, women’s representation in social institutions is being impeded in different ways. We, the women of different ethnic communities in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, are still deprived of land rights and are subjected to military oppression. Although the number of female headman and karbari has increased compared to the past, they are not allowed to collect revenues and are they not properly compensated with honorariums for the time they devote. Mere increase in the number of women in these positions is not enough—they must be given meaningful roles and responsibilities. This requires a shift in perception from both men and women.
In a patriarchal society, women’s household labour is not recognized, and as a result, they are denied dignity. Women in the Chittagong Hill Tracts not only manage their households, they also take their produce to market for sale. In this context, I call upon the government to ensure our right to move about safely. The government policies and laws for the protection and advancement of women must be properly implemented. ZuamLian Amlai, chairperson, Bandarban Chapter, Movement for the Protection of Forest and Land in the Chittagong Hill Tracts
The dispossession of forest dwellers in the Chittagong Hill Tracts of their land forest began under British imperial rule and continues to this day. Successive governments have failed to address the fate of those living in state-declared reserved forests. The forests of the Chittagong Hill Tracts have been divided into two categories: Reserved Forest and Unclassed State Forest (USF). Later, in the 1960s, another category called Protected Forests was introduced. Over time, terms such as community forest, village forest, and Mouza forest have also emerged. Yet, the current condition of forests in the Chittagong Hill Tracts is extremely fragile. We do not know why the state repeatedly occupies forest land by giving it different names.
A pervasive culture of fear hangs over this land. Since Bangladesh’s independence, the Hill Tracts have been governed under an atmosphere of intimidation that silences dissent, particularly against certain state agencies. Even after the signing of the Chittagong Hill Tracts Accord in 1997, this climate has not changed. The July Movement of 2024 briefly raised hopes for change, but no positive transformation has followed.
Between 1990 and 1998, the government declared 88,367.94 acres across 43 mouzas of Bandarban as new reserved forest. Today, 140,000 acres have been permanently reserved through official gazettes across the CHT. In the past, it was possible to de-reserve forest land through the office of the Deputy Commissioner. Now, it cannot be done without the president’s approval. For ordinary people of the Chittagong Hill Tracts, reaching the president is practically impossible.
The Chittagong Hill Tracts Land Dispute Resolution Commission remains ineffective to this day and has not resolved a single land dispute. The people here call for urgent, time-appropriate reforms to the forest laws and for forest management that actively involves local communities. Through this gathering, we renew our appeal to the state to act.
Eugin Nokrek, president, Joyenshahi Adivasi Unnayan Parishad
Before the Partition of 1947, the Madhupur forest belonged to the Maharaja of Natore. Later, under the State Acquisition and Tenancy Act of 1950, enacted by the Government of Pakistan, it was stated that those residing within the forest could apply to the government for recognition of their rights. Unfortunately, since the forest dwellers of that time had little or no access to education and no notices ever reached them, they could not submit applications, and as a result, were denied land rights. Again, in 1956, when a similar legal provision was made, the indigenous inhabitants—being unaware of it—once more lost the opportunity to apply. In 1962, during another round of land survey, since no applications were submitted, the Madhupur forest was declared a reserved forest. From then onwards, eviction notices began to be issued to the communities living inside the forest.
I believe that certain misguided government decisions are linked to the destruction of the Madhupur forest. In particular, the so-called “social forestry” projects implemented on a partnership basis led to clearing of large tracts of natural forest in order to plant trees under social forestry. As a result, forestland has steadily diminished and the environment has been severely harmed. Legal provisions that enabled tree felling further accelerated the destruction of the forest. The government has now declared that no new social forestry projects will be undertaken in Madhupur. Our Madhupur forest is home to hundred of species of trees. There is no need to plant new trees; if the remaining natural plant species are preserved, the forest will naturally regenerate.
As recently as the 1970s, the Madhupur forest was home to wild boars, deer, porcupines, monkeys, and langurs. Now, only a few monkeys, foxes, and monitor lizards remain. Deer are so scarce that they are hardly ever seen. If natural sal forests that were once cut down and replaced with other species are replanted with sal again, the forestland will recover. Around 8,000 acres of forest were turned into rubber plantations, which turned out to be a completely unprofitable venture. Both indigenous people and Bengalis have possession of forestland. It is therefore urgent to demarcate the boundaries of our forest; otherwise, land grabbers will continue to encroach. Alongside this, I believe that the Forest Act of 1927 must be replaced with a new law that reflects the realities of the present time.
Alpana Sarker, General Secretary, Bangladesh Koch Indigenous Women’s Organization
I would like to present a few proposals for the protection of forests, forest-dependent communities, and indigenous peoples. First, instead of displacing indigenous peoples from forestlands, their customary rights over land and forests should be formally recognized. Indigenous peoples must be made priority partners in all afforestation initiatives in indigenous peoples-inhabited areas, so that they become stakeholders in forest conservation. Second, all exotic tree species should be completely removed and replaced with native species suited to the ecosystems of the hills and plains. In this process, the traditional knowledge and experience of indigenous peoples can be effectively utilized. Third, instead of evicting forest-dwelling indigenous and forest-dependent communities through false and harassing lawsuits, genuine landless residents of the forests must be rehabilitated. At the same time, hundreds of acres of forestland currently occupied by mills and factories established within forest areas must be reclaimed.
Women play the most vital role in forest protection, yet they remain invisible. In the past, indigenous women collected fuelwood and dug up wildly grown tubers from beneath the forest floor, which sustained the daily food needs of poor indigenous households. But now, these opportunities have drastically declined. Indigenous families have been excluded from government social foestry plots, which are instead controlled by influential elites. For indigenous women, the forest is not merely a source of resources—they revere it as a mother and care for it as they would their own children. A shining example of this is Sheli Chakma, who, through her women-led forest protection initiative, has planted more than 5,000 trees.
Open Forum
A open forum followed by the key session before lunch. The open forum was facilitated by Philip Gain. Mr. Bah Shing Thwai, a lawyer, highlighted how, after the suspension of land settlement, the government has been reserving forests since 1998 in CHT. As a result, forest-dependent people are losing their rights over the forest.
Process of reservation: Under Section 4 of the Forest Act, the government issues a preliminary notification in the official gazette declaring its intention to constitute a particular area as a reserved forest. The Forest Settlement Officer (FSO) invites claim from local people and communities who may have rights over the land—such as grazing, collecting firewood, or cultivating. After investigation, the FSO may admit and record the rights, modify them or extinguish them by providing compensation. Once the claims are settled, the government issues a final notification under Section 20 of the Act and land officially becomes a reserved forest. In between sections 4 and 20 other sections are followed according to forest legislations.
Ms. Han Han, a development worker pointed out the consequences of natural resource extraction, used in infrastructural development in cities and road construction, on the lives of forest dependent people. She cited some examples. First, the extraction of topsoil is leading to soil infertility, resulting in decrease in harvests and an increased risk of landslides. Second, stone extraction from the CHT is drying up the streams leading to water crisis in the hills. The same type of extraction in Jaflong has been banned but that has not happened in the case of CHT yet even though the quality of these stones is not up to the mark. Third, disposal of urban wastes in rivers and streams in Bandarban. She stressed the importance of formulating a master plan for this kind of extraction, which will include measures to protect the rights of forest dependent people to forest resources. “This master plan must also include a strategic and ecofriendly management plan for tourism in the CHT regions,” she recommended.
Ms. Tanzina Dilshad, programme manager, Delegation of the European Union to Bangladesh, talked about the value of the project in highlighting the issues of the forest, IPs and others living in forest areas. She also mentioned that the project implemented by SEHD is small but is a high priority to the European Union.
Mr. Ajoy A. Mree, chairman of Adivasi Cultural Development Forum based in Modhupur reflected of the appalling condition of the forest and difficulties that the peoples of the forest villages are facing.
Report by Syeda Amirun Nuzhat, Fahmida Afroze Nadia, Fahmida Rahman and Jidit Chakma with Philip Gain | PDF
by admin | Jul 18, 2025 | News & Updates
Protecting the forest communities from drastic forest loss, plantation economy, climate change and landgrab
Date: 20 July 2025 | Venue: CIRDAP Auditorium, 17 Topkhana Road, Dhaka-1000
by admin | Jul 17, 2025 | News & Updates
Dedicated to Bangladesh’s marginalized and excluded communities, a long-cherished national entity, Brattyajan Resource Centre (BRC), was officially launched on 28 May 2022. At the end of the three-year project phase, a final workshop celebrating solidarity and partnership with marginalized groups was organized on 23 November 2024 at CIRDAP, Dhaka. Eight new publications were launched at the event piggybacked with discussion and an information fair on the marginalized communities of Bangladesh. The event was organized by Society for Environment and Human Development (SEHD), BRC and Power and Participation Research Centre (PPRC).
The dignitaries are showing the books launched at a national workshop. (from lfet) Barrister Jyotirmoy Barua, Prof. Zakir Hossain Raju, Prof. Syed M Hashemi, Philip Gain, Dr. Hossain Zillur Rahman, Prof. Rehman Sobhan (chief guest), Prof. Rounaq Jahan, and Joya Tripura. Photo: Prosad Sarker.
A strong message aired at the event was that discrimination should end in all forms. At least 130 representatives from all ten beneficiary groups of BRC, human rights defenders, community-based organizations, civil society organizations, economists, trade union leaders, academia, and journalists joined the day-long event.
The organizers of the event welcomed the audience with a message that communities with different vulnerabilities should not be seen as victims. They have many potentials, strengths, diverse cultures and languages.
In his welcome note, Prof. Zakir Hossain Raju, head of the department of Media and Communication, Independent University, Bangladesh, and Executive Committee member, SEHD shared his concerns over the exclusion of marginalized people at the policy-level discussions. “The presence of marginalized communities is not seen with apt attention in the policy-making sphere in Bangladesh,” said Prof. Raju. Quoting from Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak’s original essay ‘Can the Subaltern Speak?’ he observed that there is no place for the subalterns or the lower-class population to express their opinions.
With the change of the regime in August 2024, he expressed his wish to see a pluralistic society free from all discrimination. “We are hopeful of positive reforms. At the same time, we must also strengthen our partnership with these communities,” noted Prof. Raju.
In keynote address, Mr. Philip Gain, director of SEHD explained the background of BRC, its goal and mission, and how the communities it is devoted to—Adivasis (ethnic communities), tea workers (80 ethnic communities), sex workers, transgender, Bede, Harijan, Rishi, Kaiputra, Jaladas and Bihari—are its bona fide beneficiaries.
“All citizens of the country are equal, and no one can be discriminated based on identity or occupation or anything. Such a desire has been in people’s minds for a long time, which was expressed through the July uprising,” noted Mr. Gain. “Now we have got an interim government. We expect that this government will make every effort to build a Bangladesh free from discrimination as far as possible. Hopefully, they will come up with the right roadmap.”
Mr. Gain discussed the findings of the books launched in this context. Considering those findings, he proposed some areas of reform—protection of the identity, language and culture of these communities; reform in wage structure; proper implementation and monitoring of labour legislation; reforms in the tea industry; equal opportunities and positive discrimination for select communities; ensuring social security and justice; distribution of khas land among the landless marginalized and poor people; implementation of the peace accord in the CHT; implementation of international conventions and ending legal discrimination; and protection of the environment, forest and forest dwellers.
Special guest Prof. Rounaq Jahan, distinguished fellow, Centre for Policy Dialogue (CPD), gracefully shared her thoughts after listening to the community voices. Observations from communities astonished her. “If I did not come here, I would never know that amendments in legislation can be a matter of worry for some communities,” she noted.
Stressing the inclusion of community representatives to the reform commission, she said, “Now is the time to think about how to connect these communities with the interim government. Organizations like SEHD, PPRC, and CPD can play a leading role in this regard.”
She also stressed the importance of generating proper statistical data on these marginalized population and figuring out a way to best preserve the diversity of these communities while ensuring equal respect and dignity for them.
Another special guest, Prof. Syed M Hashemi, BRAC University, delivered that “living a dignified life is more important than economic rights.”
“You must make your voice louder. Otherwise, change will never happen,” said Prof. Hashemi. “Discussions are being held in narrow circles. We have to spread it around. If we cannot put pressure unitedly, all our efforts will go in vain.”
Barrister Jyotirmoy Barua, a lawyer of Supreme Court of Bangladesh reflected on legal issues relating to the rights of the marginalized communities. “According to the official report there are a good amount of khas (public) land unutilized. The government has an ample ground to distribute such land among marginalized and landless communities,” said Barrister Barua.
He also highlighted the constitutional rights of the transgender community, Biharis, and ethnic minorities. On misuse of the constitution in restricting the use of the term ‘Adivasi’ he said, “The function of the constitution is to ensure rights, not to define identity. This identity politics needs to be stopped.”
Barrister Barua strongly urged the government to sign the ‘Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989’ which ensures fundamental human rights of these population as well as protect their identities, languages and religions within the framework of the states they live in.
Article 14 of ‘Indigenous and Tribal Peoples Convention, 1989’ says,
“The rights of ownership and possession of the peoples concerned over the lands which they traditionally occupy shall be recognised. In addition, measures shall be taken in appropriate cases to safeguard the right of the peoples concerned to use lands not exclusively occupied by them, but to which they have traditionally had access for their subsistence and traditional activities.”
“Particular attention shall be paid to the situation of nomadic peoples and shifting cultivators in this respect.”
“Governments shall take steps as necessary to identify the lands which the peoples concerned traditionally occupy, and to guarantee effective protection of their rights of ownership and possession.”
“Adequate procedures shall be established within the national legal system to resolve land claims by the peoples concerned.”
Prof. Rehman Sobhan, an eminent economist and chief guest at the event shared from his lifelong work experience of economic development, frustration and pathway for progress of the people economically downtrodden and left behind. A teacher of economics of Prof. Yunus who is now heading the interim government, Prof. Rehman Sobhan hoped “Professor Yunus will do the right thing.”
On miseries of tea workers, he said, “I have been hearing about their problems since 1960. It seems with time passing new dimensions are getting added to their already existing problems.” To bring economic relief to the tea workers he suggested, “Give them a share in the tea gardens and land they live on and till, no matter how small it is. This will give them an entitlement and effectively contribute to their economic upliftment.”
He proposed some probable solutions to the problems of marginalized population. He suggested a ‘basic income’ for all people including the marginalized groups who are in need of help to migrate out of destitution. “It will help to lead a decent life of the destitute people,” said Prof. Sobhan. “This is a national solution that I am proposing.”
Finally, he urged the community representatives, “You may approach Prof. Yunus to form a separate reform commission for you. Even if the interim government does not form a separate commission for you, the road does not end here. You can form a civic platform and share your demands. Hope the Chief Adviser will take note of that.”
In summarizing the discussions, Dr. Hossain Zillur Rahman, chair of event and facilitator concluded that the condition of the marginalized and excluded communities needs to be changed at three levels which are interconnected and should be followed to end discrimination. In the first level, their struggles should become visible through research and analysis. At the second level community voices should get louder and heard. Then their active participation in the policy making process has to be ensured.
“To bring economic relief to the tea workers give them a share in the tea gardens and land they live on and till, no matter how small it is. This will give them an entitlement and effectively contribute to their economic upliftment.”
—Prof. Rehman Sobhan
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Prof. Rehman Sobhan
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Prof. Rounaq Jahan
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Dr. Hossain Zillur Rahman
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Mr. Rambhajan Kairi
Five community representatives spoke in the first session. They all are defenders of rights and active in their respective communities. They all shared their personal and community experiences.
Rambhajan Kairi, former general secretary, Bangladesh Cha Sramik Union (BCSU)
Several discriminations in the labour legislation are concerning for tea workers. We get worried every time we hear about an amendment is made to the labour law. Tea workers are not entitled to casual leave like in other industries. Gratuity was scrapped for us in the amendment of 2018. My question is, whose purpose do these amendments serve? They do not necessarily serve us. We have serious trouble with election of BCSU, the lone trade union in the tea industry and the largest in the country. The two-year labour agreement between the owners’ apex body Bangladesh Tea Association (BTA) and BCSU depends on the owner’s wish. The agreement is always signed post-facto. On the other hand, the last election of BCSU was held in 2018. As a result, the union is getting weaker and owners are taking advantage of it. One of our key concerns is low wages. We hope the interim government pays attention to the tea workers reforming the existing minimum wage structure considering the current market prices.
Eugin Nokrek, president of Joyenshahi Adibashi Unnayan Parishad
Social forestry projects have been destroying natural forest in Modhupur. Biodiversity has been massively destroyed in sal forest. We can no more collect wildly grown vegetables and herbs from the forests.
Our main problem relates to land rights. Most of us living in the forest villages do not have title deeds for land we live on and cultivate. As a result, we are always in fear of eviction. In Modhupur, we need low-interest loans, which we do not get from banks. As a result, many of us do not cultivate our land ourselves; we lease them to Bengalis. We also demand quota for the first- and second-class government jobs for the Adivasi communities.
Joya Tripura, president, CHT Women Headman-Karbari Network
The main problem in the CHT relates to land. We, indigenous women in the Chittagong Hill Tracts, are worst affected for rapidly shrinking of our traditional agriculture—jum cultivation. Factors such as development projects; plantation of timber trees, rubber, and tobacco; and Bengali settlement have led drastic loss of land available for jum cultivation. The land commission set up after the 1997 CHT Accord to settle land disputes remains non-functional to date. Yet, we are optimistic and we hope that the interim government will include representative from the CHT in the reform commission.
Milan Das, executive director, PARITTRAN
I represent Rishi community. Our existence in this world feels like a curse. When I was in the 5th grade in school, I used to get singara served on a paper at the market next to our school where my friends used to have it on plate. Even today, 30 years later, that discrimination continues.
We are shocked that after July-August uprising that toppled the government of Sheikh Hasina, Hindus came under attacks. Seventy-seven 0f our Rishi students actively took part in the movement at Dhaka University. They were not affiliated with any party. Yet, they were attacked after 5 August 2024.
We demand social recognition and equal dignity as others in society. The interim government should accommodate us in each of the 10 reform commissions to consider our needs.
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Prof. Syed M Hashemi
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Jyotirmoy Barua
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Prof. Zakir Hossain Raju
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Syed Sultan Uddin Ahmed
Krishnalal, president, Bangladesh Horijon Yokkha Parishad
We are bound to become cleaners generation after generation. My father was a cleaner, I am a cleaner and my children are cleaners. We are as if born to live with garbage. Even though we are educated, we do not get right jobs, because we are Harijans and untouchables.
We are frustrated, because despite raising our voices for the last 23 years and holding seminars and discussions, difficulties we face at work and in society have not been solved. Nobody listens to us because there is no political agenda.
In an open forum in the afternoon chaired by Syed Sultan Uddin Ahmed, executive director, Bangladesh Institute of Labour Studies (BILS) and facilitated by Philip Gain, more community representatives shared their thoughts for formulation of a draft reform agenda for the marginalized and excluded communities. Seven community leaders spoke on the community demands and solutions. The topmost of their demands and solutions were related to land, fair and equal income, legitimate rights of the tea workers, social recognition, social security, standard education, etc.
Mr. Nripen Paul, acting general secretary of Bangladesh Cha Sramik Union (BCSU) spoke on tea workers’ right to land, discrimination in the labour law for tea workers and violation of its important sections. He cited two examples—the tea workers getting no casual leave and gratuity—to explain how the tea workers are discriminated. He mentioned a current concern—12 gardens of the National Tea Company (NTC) not paying wages to tea workers for weeks. He demanded that the interim government steps in to solve the issue.
Aleya Akhter Lily, president, Sex Workers’ Network (SWN) stressed on the recognition of sex work as a profession. She said many workers undergo torture. “Recently, 1,300 sex workers have been subjected to torture,” reported Ms. Lily. “Children of sex workers are not given jobs because of their mother’s identity. We want this discrimination to end. We want social security and development-oriented programs.”
Speaking of her community’s acceptance in society, Joya Sikder, a transgender activist, questioned, “Why cannot our society accept our identity when different countries of the world can? How are we supposed to achieve SDG 5 without it?” She stressed, “If society, family, and state accepted us with due dignity and respect, everyone could live happily. For this, we need to stand together,” she further stressed.
Mortuza Ahmed Khan, Bihari representative from Geneva Camp, Dhaka said in grief, “We are enormously deprived of basic human rights. After 1971, we had been treated inhumanely.” He stressed on the need of mapping of the Bihari camps, and estimating the Bihari population size. “The Biharis often time face eviction threat,” said Mr. Khan. “We really do not want to live in camps. What we want is respectful rehabilitation.”
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Ms. Joya Tripura
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Mr. Nripen Paul
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Joy Sikder
Liton Das, president, Uttar Chattola Upokuliya Motshojibi Jaladas Samabay Kalyan Federation in Chattogram talked about the plights of the Jaladas, a sea-faring Hindu fishing community, concentrated in Chattogram and Cox’s Bazar. “We, Jaladas, are suffering heavily from economic crisis. We do not get bank loans and without other options left, we are compelled to take loans (dadon) from local businessmen at very high interest rates,” said Mr. Das. He stressed on scaling up social security for the Jaladas community and said, “Government should ensure adequate benefits for widows and healthcare facilities for women.”
Modon Kumar Mondol, a representative of Kaiputra, a pig rearing community concentrated in Satkhira, Jashore and Khulna districts, raised the insurmountable difficulties his community faces. “The majority of Bangladesh do not know who we are and the terrible time we go through in our trade with pigs,” said Mr. Mondol. “We should be able to access bank loans.”
Hridoy Harijan, a Harijan youth from Dhaka, said, “We want complete elimination of wage inequality among Harijan cleaners and between Bangali and Harijan cleaners.” He also demanded employment based on merit and secured housing, healthcare facilities, and risk allowances for cleaners and their families.

by admin | Oct 7, 2024 | Newspaper Report
হবিগঞ্জের ইমাম চা-বাগানে ব্যস্ত শ্রমিকের ছবিটি ২০২৩ সালের ২৬ আগস্ট তোলা। ছবি: ফিলিপ গাইন
চা-শ্রমিকের প্রতি সুবিচার নিশ্চিত করতে আরেকটি উদ্বেগের বিষয় শ্রম আইন ও শ্রম বিধিমালায় তাদের প্রতি বৈষম্য।
বকেয়া মজুরি পরিশোধ নিয়ে প্রায় সাত সপ্তাহ ধরে উদ্বেগের মধ্যে দিন কাটাচ্ছেন ন্যাশনাল টি কোম্পানি লিমিটেডের (এনটিসি) মালিকানাধীন ১২টি চা-বাগানের প্রায় ১২ হাজারের বেশি শ্রমিক। গত ১২ আগস্ট শ্রমিকদের ৫৯৫ টাকা করে দেওয়া হয়, যা তাদের সাপ্তাহিক মজুরির অর্ধেক। এরপর ২৫ সেপ্টেম্বরের আগ পর্যন্ত তারা কেউ কোনো মজুরি পাননি। ২৫ সেপ্টেম্বর তাদের সেই আগের বারের মতো ৫৯৫ টাকাই দেওয়া হয়। শ্রমিকদের জন্য এমন পরিস্থিতি নিঃসন্দেহে দুঃখজনক, কেননা আগামী ৯ অক্টোবর থেকে শুরু হবে হিন্দুদের প্রধান ধর্মীয় উৎসব দুর্গা পূজা। তারপরও শ্রমিকেরা বাগানের কাজ বন্ধ করেননি।
কাজ বন্ধ না হলেও বাগান কর্তৃপক্ষকে চাপে রাখতে কারখানার গুদাম থেকে উৎপাদিত চায়ের চালান বাইরে পাঠানো বন্ধ রেখেছে শ্রমিকরা। এ নিয়ে এনটিসি কর্তৃপক্ষ এবং সরকারের সংশ্লিষ্ট কর্মকর্তাদের সঙ্গে আলোচনার পর গত ১ অক্টোবর মৌলভীবাজারের কমলগঞ্জ উপজেলায় কোম্পানির সবচেয়ে বড় বাগান পাত্রখোলা টি এস্টেট থেকে দুটি এবং বাকি ১১টি থেকে একটি করে চালান ছাড়েন শ্রমিকরা। বিনিময়ে ওই দিনই এক সপ্তাহের মজুরি পান তারা, এমনটিই নিশ্চিত করেন পাত্রখোলা চা-বাগানের পঞ্চায়েত সভাপতি শিপন চক্রবর্তী। এখন এনটিসি কর্তৃপক্ষের কাছে শ্রমিকদের দাবি, দুর্গা পূজা শুরুর আগেই সব বকেয়া এবং বোনাস পরিশোধ করা হোক, না হলে গুদাম থেকে বাকি চালান ছাড়া হবে না।
এনটিসির বাগানগুলোতে এখন যে পরিস্থিতি, তার জন্য দায়ী সরকার ও রাজনৈতিক দূষণ। কোম্পানিজ অ্যাক্ট, ১৯১৩ এর অধীনে ১৯৭৮ সালে একটি পাবলিক লিমিটেড কোম্পানি হিসেবে গঠিত হয় এনটিসি। এতে সরকারের শেয়ার ৫১ শতাংশ এবং বাকি ৪৯ শতাংশের লেনদেন হয় ঢাকা ও চট্টগ্রাম শেয়ারবাজারে সাধারণ জনসাধারণের জন্য। কোম্পানির ১২টি বাগানের মধ্যে সাতটি মৌলভীবাজার, চারটি হবিগঞ্জ ও একটি সিলেটে অবস্থিত।
স্বাধীনতার পর এনটিসির বাগান সরকারি মালিকানায় চলে যায়। ভৌগলিক অবস্থান চা চাষের উপযোগী হলেও লাভের মুখ খুব একটা দেখতে পারেনি এই বাগানগুলো। বাগানগুলোর ব্যবস্থাপনা যে ভালো নয়, তা ছড়িয়ে-ছিটিয়ে থাকা চা গাছ এবং ছায়াবৃক্ষের অবস্থা দেখে বোঝা যায়। পত্রিকায় প্রকাশিত প্রতিবেদন অনুযায়ী, ২০২৩ সালের জুলাই থেকে ডিসেম্বর পর্যন্ত ছয় মাসে কোম্পানির লোকসান ছিল ২৬ কোটি ৬৬ লাখ টাকা।
কোম্পানির ব্যবস্থাপনায় এত সমস্যা অনেকাংশেই রাজনীতির কারণে। সমস্যা আরও ঘনীভূত হয় গত ৫ আগস্ট দেশের রাজনীতির আকস্মিক পট পরিবর্তনের পর। গণঅভ্যুত্থানে শেখ হাসিনা সরকারের পতনের পর কোম্পানির পরিচালনা পর্ষদ ভেঙে পড়ে। জানা যায়, পরিচালনা পর্ষদের চেয়ারম্যান, বর্তমানে পলাতক শেখ কবির হোসেন সম্পর্কে শেখ হাসিনার আত্মীয়।
চা-শ্রমিক এবং তাদের একমাত্র ইউনিয়ন বাংলাদেশ চা-শ্রমিক ইউনিয়ন একত্রে এনটিসি কর্তৃপক্ষের সঙ্গে দরকষাকষি চালিয়ে যাচ্ছে। এতকিছুর পরও শ্রমিকরা চরম ধৈরে্যর সঙ্গে বাগান ও কারখানার কাজ অব্যাহত রাখছেন শুধু এই আশায় যে কর্তৃপক্ষ তাদের কথা রাখবে ও দুর্গা পূজা শুরুর আগেই তাদের বকেয়াসহ সব মজুরি পরিশোধ করবে।
এনটিসির সামনে এখন কঠিন পথ। চা-বাগানের সঙ্গে সংশ্লিষ্ট এক শীর্ষ সরকারি কর্মকর্তা নাম প্রকাশ না করার শর্তে জানান, বাংলাদেশ কৃষি ব্যাংকের কাছে কোম্পানির ঋণের পরিমাণ ৩৮০ কোটি টাকা। চলতি বছর ব্যাংকটির কাছে আরও ১৫০ কোটি টাকা ঋণ চাইলেও ব্যাংক অনুমোদন দেয় ৮৬ কোটি টাকা, যা ইতোমধ্যে খরচ হয়ে গেছে-এমনটিই জানান তিনি। উল্লেখ্য, ঋণ পরিশোধের নিয়ম অনুযায়ী, নিলামে চা বিক্রি থেকে আয়ের একটি অংশ সরাসরি চলে যায় কৃষি ব্যাংকের অ্যাকাউন্টে ও আরেকটি অংশ পায় মালিকরা। এমন পরিস্থিতিতে দাবি আদায়ের জন্য শ্রমিকদের কারখানার গুদাম থেকে চালান বন্ধ করা ছাড়া আর কোনো উপায় ছিল না।
এনটিসি বাগানের এতসব বিশৃঙ্খলা রাষ্ট্রায়ত্ত ব্যবসার সাধারণ উদাহরণ হলেও এরকম অব্যবস্থাপনা ও দুর্নীতি আরও অনেক প্রাইভেট কোম্পানি ও ব্যক্তি মালিকানাধীন বাগানেও দেখা যাচ্ছে, যা চা-শ্রমিকদের গভীর সংকটে ফেলেছে। এর বড় উদাহরণ হবিগঞ্জ জেলার ইমাম অ্যান্ড বাওয়ানী টি এস্টেট। চা-বাগান সংশ্লিষ্ট সেই একই সরকারি কর্মকর্তার বরাতে জানা যায়, বাগান দুটি দীর্ঘদিন ধরেই সমস্যায় জর্জরিত। এর মধ্যে ইমাম চা-বাগান গত বছরের অক্টোবরে পুরোপুরি বন্ধ হয়ে যায়। আর, বাওয়ানী চা-বাগানের ব্যবস্থাপনার দায়িত্ব চলে যায় শ্রীমঙ্গলের বিভাগীয় শ্রম দপ্তরের উপ-পরিচালকের হাতে। এতসব অব্যবস্থাপনার ফলে উপ-পরিচালকের পক্ষে বাগান চালানো কঠিন। পাশাপাশি বাগান দুটির শ্রমিকদেরকে চরম ভোগান্তির শিকার হতে হচ্ছে।
মৌলভীবাজারের জুড়ী উপজেলার ফুলতলা চা-বাগান দুর্বল ব্যবস্থাপনার আরেকটি উদাহরণ। সরকারি কর্মকর্তা জানান, এই বাগানের প্রায় এক হাজার ৬০০ জনের মতো শ্রমিক ১২ সপ্তাহ ধরে কোনো মজুরি পাচ্ছেন না। বাগানের মালিক লন্ডনে থাকেন এবং বাগানটি তিনি বন্ধ করে দিয়েছেন-এমনটাই বলা হচ্ছে। যদিও শুধুমাত্র শ্রমিকদের কারণে উৎপাদন এখনো কিছুটা অব্যাহত আছে। সরকারি ওই কর্মকর্তা বলেন, ৫০ কোটি টাকার ব্যাংক ঋণ নিয়ে বর্তমানে বাগানের মালিক গভীর সংকটে আছেন।

হবিগঞ্জের ইমাম চা-বাগানের নারী শ্রমিকরা সবুজ পাতার বোঝা নিয়ে ওজনঘরের সামনে। ছবিটি ২০২৩ সালের ২৬ আগস্ট তোলা। ছবি: ফিলিপ গাইন
ওই কর্মকর্তা আরও জানান, ৭৯টি চা-বাগানের অবস্থা বেশ খারাপ। এসব বাগান কয়েক মাস ধরে প্রভিডেন্ট ফান্ডে (পিএফ) অর্থ জমা দিচ্ছে না। বিল পরিশোধ না করায় অনেক চা-বাগানে গ্যাস ও বিদ্যুতের সংযোগ কেটে দেওয়া হয়েছে। ফলে নিজেদের কারখানা চালাতে না পেরে তাদের সবুজ চা-পাতা বিক্রি করে দিচ্ছে অন্য বাগানের কাছে।
অনেক বাগান মালিকের অভিযোগ, চায়ের নিম্নমুখী বাজার দর ও ঊর্ধ্বমুখী উৎপাদন খরচ তাদের সংকটের অন্যতম কারণ। প্রতি বছর সরকারের চা চাষ এলাকা সম্প্রসারণ নীতির কারণে চায়ের উৎপাদন বেড়ে চলেছে।
তবে, ভালো চা-বাগানেরও নজির আছে। এসব বাগান কর্তৃপক্ষ ভালোভাবেই তাদের বাগান পরিচালনা করছে, বর্তমান মজুরি ও অন্যান্য সুবিধা কাঠামোর মধ্যে থেকেই তাদের শ্রমিকদের ভালো যত্ন নিচ্ছে এবং ভালো মুনাফাও করছে। ইস্পাহানি টি লিমিটেড এমনই এক বাগানের উদাহরণ। এই কোম্পানির চারটি বাগান রয়েছে। যার মধ্যে অন্যতম মৌলভীবাজারের জেরিন টি এস্টেট। কর্তৃপক্ষ জানায়, দেশে একরপ্রতি গড় উৎপাদন যেখানে এক হাজার ৬০০ কেজির মতো, সেখানে জেরিন চা-বাগানের একক উৎপাদন তিন হাজার কেজি। ইস্পাহানির চারটি বাগানে প্রতি একরে গড়ে উৎপাদন হয় দুই হাজার ৫০০ কেজি ও বিক্রি থেকে আয়ও হয় ভালো। আরও জানা যায়, জেরিন চা-বাগানের লেবার লাইনের অধিকাংশ বাড়িই পাকা। ইস্পাহানির অন্যান্য বাগানেও লেবার লাইনের বাড়ির অবস্থা বাকি অনেক কোম্পানির বাগানের তুলনায় বেশ ভালো। ইস্পাহানি কর্তৃপক্ষের দাবি, তাদের বাগানে চা-শ্রমিকরা মজুরিসহ অন্যান্য সব সুবিধা ঠিকভাবেই পায়।
চা-শিল্পের বৃহত্তর স্বার্থ এবং চা-শ্রমিকদের সুরক্ষার জন্য ভালো পরিবর্তন অবশ্যই দরকার। বর্তমান অন্তর্বর্তীকালীন সরকার সমাজ থেকে বৈষম্য ও অসমতা দূরীকরণের যে অঙ্গীকার নিয়েছে, তার প্রতিফলন চা-শিল্প এবং চা-শ্রমিকদের ব্যাপারেও হওয়া উচিত। প্রায় এক লাখ ৪০ হাজার চা-শ্রমিক এবং তাদের পরিবার-সব মিলিয়ে প্রায় পাঁচ লাখের মতো মানুষ সেই ব্রিটিশ আমল থেকে শুরু হওয়া এই চা-শিল্পে প্রজন্মের পর প্রজন্ম ধরে চরম বৈষম্যের শিকার হয়ে আসছে।
প্রথমত, চা-শিল্পের বিশেষ করে বাগানগুলোর অবস্থার ভালো মানচিত্রায়ণ প্রয়োজন। ভালো বাগান ও খারাপ বাগান চিহ্নিত করে সেসবের কারণগুলো বিশ্লেষণ করা দরকার এবং কোনো বাগান অব্যবস্থাপনা, দুর্নীতি ও আর্থিক অনিয়ম করে যাতে নিষ্কৃতি না পায়, তার জন্য জোর সুপারিশ প্রণয়ন জরুরি। চা-শিল্পের সঙ্গে যেসব প্রতিষ্ঠান জড়িত, তাদের ব্যাপারে পুঙ্খানুপুঙ্খ তদন্ত চালাতে হবে এবং তাদেরকেও দায়বদ্ধ করতে হবে।
দ্বিতীয়ত, বাংলাদেশের নাগরিক হয়েও যে চা-শ্রমিকরা নাগরিকের সমান সুযোগ ও মর্যাদা থেকে বঞ্চিত থেকেছে বহুকাল, তাদের সার্বিক কল্যাণে সব ধরনের ব্যবস্থা গ্রহণের আন্তরিক প্রচেষ্টা থাকতে হবে। শুরু করতে হবে ন্যায়সঙ্গত ও সম্মানজনক মজুরি নির্ধারণের মাধ্যমে। সাবেক প্রধানমন্ত্রী ২০২২ সালের আগস্টে চা-শ্রমিকের জন্য যে ১৭০ টাকা মজুরি নির্ধারণ করে দিয়েছিলেন, তা মোটেই ন্যায্য ছিল না। অভিযোগ আছে যে, তিনি মালিকদের নির্দেশনামতো মজুরি নির্ধারণ করে দিয়েছিলেন এবং তার হস্তক্ষেপ ছিল রাজনৈতিক, যখন নিম্নতম মজুরি বোর্ডকে মজুরি কাঠামো নির্ধারণে ব্যর্থ হওয়ার সবরকম ব্যবস্থা করা হয়। এখন সময় এসেছে চা-শিল্পকে ঢেলে সাজিয়ে শ্রমিকের প্রতি সুবিচার নিশ্চিত করার।
চা-শ্রমিকের প্রতি সুবিচার নিশ্চিত করতে আরেকটি উদ্বেগের বিষয় শ্রম আইন ও ম্রম বিধিমালায় তাদের প্রতি বৈষম্য। তা ছাড়া মালিকরা প্রতিনিয়ত শ্রম আইনের যেসব ধারা লঙ্ঘন করে চলেছেন, তা কোনোভাবেই সমর্থন করা যায় না। মালিকরা ম্রম আইনের যেসব ধারা নিয়মিতভাবে লঙ্ঘন করেন, তা বিভিন্ন গবেষণা ও লেখালেখিতে প্রকাশিত হয়েছে। শ্রমিক, তাদের প্রতিনিধিত্বকারী ট্রেড ইউনিয়ন এবং সংশ্লিষ্ট অন্যদের সঙ্গে পরামর্শ করলে এ ব্যাপারে আরও বিস্তারিতভাবে জানা যাবে। যেসব সরকারি সংস্থা শ্রম আইন ও শ্রম বিধিমালা বাস্তবায়নের দায়িত্বে নিয়োজিত তারা যাতে সততার সঙ্গে তাদের দায়িত্ব পালন করে তা নিশ্চিত করা যেকোনো সরকারের জন্য একটি পরীক্ষা।
চা-শ্রমিক যাদের অধিকাংশই বাঙালি নন, হিন্দু ও আদিবাসী, অনেকটাই অদৃশ্য ও শক্তিহীন। ব্রিটিশ আমল থেকে মজুরি বঞ্চনা ও সামাজিক বিচ্ছিন্নতা তাদেরকে একটি দুর্বল জনগোষ্ঠীতে পরিণত করেছে। শিক্ষা ও অর্থনৈতিক অগ্রগতির ক্ষেত্রেও তারা অনেক পিছিয়ে আছেন। কেবল সমান সুযোগই তাদের জন্য যথেষ্ট নয়। বর্তমান অবস্থা থেকে বেরিয়ে আসতে বাড়তি কিছু সুবিধার দাবি তারা করতেই পারেন। তাদের প্রতি অন্তর্বর্তী সরকারের বড় দায়িত্ব রয়েছে।
ফিলিপ গাইন: গবেষক ও সোসাইটি ফর এনভায়রনমেন্ট অ্যান্ড হিউম্যান ডেভেলপমেন্টের (সেড) পরিচালক
News Link: bangla.thedailystar.net
by admin | Oct 7, 2024 | Newspaper Report
Women tea workers of Bawani tea garden in Habiganj carrying headloads of green tea leaves, on August 26, 2024. PHOTO: Philip Gain
For nearly seven weeks, more than 12,000 tea workers in 12 tea gardens under the National Tea Company Limited (NTC) have been living in anxiety about the payment of their wages. After they were paid Tk 595 on August 12, which is half of the weekly payment, the payment was halted till September 25, the day they were paid another instalment of the same amount. This is pretty bad for these workers as the Durga Puja festivities are set to begin on October 9. Thankfully, they have not stopped work and production.
However, to keep the management under pressure, the tea workers blocked consignments of made tea out of the garden warehouses. After a negotiation with the management and relevant state agencies, they allowed the release of two consignments from Patrokhola Tea Estate in Moulvibazar’s Kamalganj upazila, the largest tea garden of the NTC, and one consignment from each of the 11 other tea gardens on October 1. In exchange, they were paid a week’s salary on the same day, confirmed Shipon Chakraborty, panchayat president of Patrokhola. Now the deal is, these workers will release the next consignments from the warehouses when the NTC management clears dues and bonus before Durga Puja.
What we see in the NTC gardens is bad management. NTC is a public limited company formed in 1978 under the Companies Act, 1913. The state holds 51 percent of the shares, and 49 percent are traded in Dhaka and Chattogram stock markets for the general public. Of its 12 tea gardens, seven are located in Moulvibazar, four in Habiganj, and one in Sylhet.
The NTC management, for which the government is responsible, is polluted by politics. The tea gardens, taken over by the government after independence, are located in a good topographic zone, yet they perform very poorly. According to a news report, between July and December of 2023, the company posted a net loss of Tk 26.66 crore. The company’s lousy tea garden management is manifested in the look of its gardens: tea plants are sparse and without enough shade trees, among other things. The company’s troubles have gotten worse since the sudden political change on August 5, following which the chairman of the company’s board of directors, Sheikh Kabir Hossain, reportedly a relative of ousted Prime Minister Sheikh Hasina, has disappeared and the board has almost collapsed.
The tea workers and their lone union, Bangladesh Cha Sramik Union (BCSU), are trying to negotiate with the NTC management. Half-fed or with an empty stomach, these workers have been showing their patience and working regularly in the hope that the management will stay true to its words and clear the full payment of their due wages and bonus before Durga Puja, the biggest festival of Hindus in Bangladesh.
However, NTC now faces many insurmountable challenges. According to a top government official dealing with tea gardens, it has a debt of Tk 380 crore with the Bangladesh Krishi Bank. This year, the company requested for a loan of Tk 150 crore, but the bank sanctioned Tk 86 crore only, which got exhausted by July, said a government official dealing with tea gardens, on condition of anonymity. Per the arrangement of loan repayment, brokers in auction houses transfer the bank’s share of sale proceeds directly to its account. The owners get their shares. But the workers are left with no other option but to block the made tea consignments.
While NTC gardens show serious anomalies—which is typical of state-run businesses—there are other private companies and proprietors in the industry that are also plagued with mismanagement and corruption that put their workers in deep crisis. The Imam and Bawani tea estates in Habiganj are a prime example here. The government official disclosed that Imam tea garden was completely shut down along with its factory in October last year after a prolonged crisis. The responsibility for the management of Bawani estate was vested on the deputy director of labour (DDL) in Sreemangal as a result. But the DDL has been having a hard time managing the estate. And the workers of these two gardens are also suffering.
Another example of bad tea garden management is Fultala Tea Garden in Moulvibazar’s Juri upazila. Around 1,600 workers in this tea garden have not gotten paid for 12 weeks, as a government official told me. The owner lives in London and has reportedly shut down the garden, though it is still in production to some extent because of the workers. With a bank loan of Tk 50 crore, the owner is in deep trouble, the government official disclosed.
The official further revealed that 79 tea gardens are in terrible shape. These gardens have not made their due contributions to the Provident Fund (PF) for months. Gas and power lines have been cut off in a number of the gardens for not paying the bills. Many of them are selling green tea leaves to other tea gardens for processing as their own factories are not running.

Tea workers busy at Bawani tea garden in Habiganj, on August 26, 2024. PHOTO: PHILIP GAIN
Many tea garden owners argue that they are in trouble because the price of tea has gone down while the production cost is rising. Indeed, the government has a policy to expand the tea-growing areas that contribute to increasing production.
Of course, there are examples of good companies that manage their gardens well, take good care of their workers within the existing framework, and make good profits. One such company is Ispahani Tea Limited, which has four gardens. The best among them is Zareen, located in Moulvibazar. While the average production per acre is around 1,600kg, its per acre production is 3,000kg, and the per acre production of all four gardens averages around 2,500kg, according to management. The price that the company gets is good. Almost all houses in the labour lines at Zareen Tea Estate are pucca. The condition of houses in other tea gardens of Ispahani are also much better than in other tea gardens. The workers get better deals with other fringe benefits, the Ispahani management claims.
It is in the best interest of the tea industry in Bangladesh, not to mention the workers, that changes happen for the better. The interim government, which has committed itself to reforms to end discrimination and inequality, should consider giving immediate attention to the tea industry that is in disarray as a whole. The tea garden workers, around 140,000 of them, and their community of around half a million people have been facing severe discrimination for generations, since the beginning of the industry during British colonial times.
of all, the tea industry, specifically the tea gardens, need proper mapping. Good gardens and bad gardens need to be identified and the reasons must be explained for chalking out recommendations to bring the necessary changes so that none of the tea gardens are beyond scrutiny for mismanagement, corruption, and financial misappropriation. All parties involved with the tea industry must come under scrutiny and be made accountable.
Second, clear attempts must be made to ensure the well-being of tea garden workers, who are deprived of equal treatment and dignity as citizens of Bangladesh. To begin with, a just and respectable wage structure must be fixed for these workers. The former prime minister fixed their daily cash wage at Tk 170 in August 2022, which is certainly not fair. She was allegedly guided by the owners of tea gardens, and her move was political when the minimum wage board was made to fail. Now the time has come to overhaul the tea industry to ensure justice for the tea workers.
Another concern while dealing with their well-being is discrimination in the labour laws and regulations for them, and the owners’ routine violation of several sections of the labour legislation, which cannot be justified in any way. While these anomalies have been exposed on various platforms, fresh consultations with tea workers, their trade union and others concerned, will definitely help bring out more details. It is a test for any government to make sure that the state agencies under the labour ministry who are responsible for executing the labour law and rules act honestly.
Tea garden workers, most of whom belong to minority communities, are largely invisible and voiceless. Wage deprivation and social exclusion from the British colonial times have rendered them a weak population, left behind in terms of education and economic progress. Equal opportunities are not enough for them. They deserve some preferential treatment to help them get out of their current condition. The interim government has a big responsibility here.
Philip Gain is researcher and director at the Society for Environment and Human Development (SEHD). He can be reached at philip.gain@gmail.com
News Link: English.thedailystar.net | PDF